Jeudi 12 décembre, un événement OREMA/LERMA/DEMA: « From Barack Obama to Donald Trump: US migration policies (and politics) in perspective »

Une conférence du Dr Andrew Selee, Président du Migration Policy Institute (Washington DC) et ancien vice-président du Woodrow Wilson Center.

Contact : isabelle.vagnoux@univ-amu.fr 
Faculté ALLSH
Maison de la recherche – Salle 2. 44
29, av. Robert Schuman – Aix-en-Provence

Brexit and the Union of the United Kingdom

Dr. Philip Rycroft, Centre for Constitutional Change, University of Edinburgh; Bennett Institute for Public Policy, University of Cambridge.
Retranscription conférence du 08/11/19

Pour écouter l’introduction de Valérie André (LERMA-OREMA): https://medihal.archives-ouvertes.fr/hal-02395516

Thank you for the opportunity to come to this beautiful part of the world to talk about a less beautiful subject, Brexit.
The UK is deep in its own peculiar political agony just now, unable to go forwards, unable to go backwards. The political class has given up on trying to resolve this themselves and have called on the electorate to help them out.
The UK faces another general election, perhaps the most important in the post-war era and one of the most uncertain. With politics across the UK fractured, calling the result in our first past the post constituency system is difficult. Voter sentiment is volatile. The pattern of politics in Scotland, Wales and Northern Ireland is now distinctive and different from England. In England, many constituencies up and down the country are now more open contests than they have been for decades. Relatively modest swings in voter sentiment could have a very big impact on the eventual outcome.
I’ll come back at the end to what paths might open up after the votes in this election have been counted. But I want to use this lecture to look a bit deeper and longer term, to ask what Brexit says about identity in the United Kingdom and what Brexit portends for the future of the UK as a Union state. These are big issues, erupting from time to time in the political discourse, but rarely the subject of structured political debate. We risk in the UK re-making our country without really understanding what we are doing or why.
I’ll start by reviewing briefly the UK’s relationship with the EU, to seek to discern the factors that led to the rise of Euroscepticism and the eventual promise of an in-out referendum by David Cameron. I’ll look at the referendum campaign and explore how the argument for leave resonated with wider discontents to ask what this says about deeper divisions within the UK.
I’ll look at the different outcomes of the referendum in the different parts of the UK and seek to understand how those outcomes relate to underlying questions of identity in Scotland, Wales, Northern Ireland and England. I’ll assess what this means for the cohesion of the Union of the United Kingdom before concluding with a brief survey of the forthcoming election and what different outcomes might mean.
First, the UK and the EU.

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Les Etats-Unis et les Amériques

L’Amérique latine a déjà un modèle pour résoudre la crise vénézuélienne. La doctrine de Larreta – et non le Traité de Rio – devrait servir de cadre à l’action collective de la région.

Max Paul Friedman et Tom Long

Face à une crainte de guerre à la frontière colombienne, avec deux présidents en duel à Caracas et aux propos visant à sauver une économie en ruine avec de la crypto-monnaie, la crise vénézuélienne se poursuit alors même que la communauté internationale fait son possible pour changer les faits sur le terrain. Lors de la dernière escalade de pression régionale, seize États de l’hémisphère occidental ont voté en septembre en faveur de l’application de sanctions coordonnées aux termes du Traité de Rio contre le président en exercice Nicolás Maduro. Le pacte, invoqué 72 ans après sa signature, donnera-t-il à ces États le moyen de repousser Maduro du pouvoir ?
En réalité, le Traité de Rio est un instrument maladroit pour promouvoir la démocratie. Pour comprendre pourquoi, il est utile de voir le Traité de Rio, officiellement le Traité interaméricain d’assistance réciproque, dans son contexte historique. Signé en septembre 1947 et en vigueur depuis 1948, les fondations du traité ont été construites pendant la Seconde Guerre mondiale et au lendemain de celle-ci. Considéré depuis longtemps comme une imposition états-unienne et un instrument de la guerre froide, le traité est né de la victoire diplomatique de l’Amérique latine dans le but de créer un espace pour les organisations régionales lors de la conférence des Nations Unies à San Francisco en 1945.
Bien que les mêmes années d’après-guerre aient connu un épanouissement relatif de la démocratie en Amérique latine, le Traité de Rio n’a pas été envisagé comme un instrument permettant de faire progresser la démocratie. Le Traité a consacré la démocratie à un préambule non contraignant. Toutefois, les premières discussions sur l’ordre du jour de la conférence sur la sécurité ont porté de manière beaucoup plus explicite sur la protection et la promotion de la démocratie.

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The Past, Present and Future of Student Exchange Between the UK and Europe

Alice Byrne, Aix Marseille Université, LERMA, OREMA, Aix-en-Provence, France 

In recent weeks, universities across Europe have been welcoming students coming to study for a year or just a semester as part of the Erasmus programme. Given the continued uncertainty over Brexit, it is possible that these students will be the last ones to benefit from the UK’s membership of the programme. The UK was one of the eleven founding members when the scheme launched in 1987 and remains in the top five in terms of overall student numbers (incoming and outgoing).[i] Yet the UK’s participation is characterised by the fact that it receives twice as many students as it sends. In 2016-2017, only 9,615 UK students travelled to a partner university through Erasmus compared to 29,851 French students. Although the overall number of outgoing UK students has increased since 2009 this is largely due the growing number of trainees benefitting from the programme; the number of students going to study in an EU university has remained relatively constant. The problem is not new: a 2006 study confirmed that UK students’ mobility to Europe was decreasing while mobility to other English-speaking regions of the world was on the increase.[ii] Unsurprisingly, lack of foreign language skills was a major factor and the continued decline of modern language studies in the UK can be expected to have exacerbated this trend. Yet if we look back to the interwar period and the origins of British involvement in student exchange programmes, it becomes apparent that this imbalance is not a new phenomenon. Focusing on this period also illustrates how and why the British government first began to concern itself with this issue.

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